Panel 1. The new strategy aimed at injecting fresh momentum into EU enlargement, speeding up the homework the six countries need to do and giving a concrete framework and timeline for achieving this. What led to this renewed commitment on behalf of a hitherto hesitant EU?
To ignore this reality would be to lose the forest for the trees. Need for critical reassessment. Lack of economic development, cultural dependency and poor political performance of the new EU member states and the candidates to membership, as well as their permanently disadvantaged towards the West position point at a need of critical reconsideration of the European integration theories. The relative success of the Western European model of integration in s limited critical approach to this question. In the presentation I will endeavour to explain the phenomenon of illiberal movements across the old continent, especially on the EU peripheries by analysing dependency relationship between the Western core and the Eastern and Southern peripheries and semi-peripheries in Central Eastern Europe.
With regard to the above, I will endeavour to critically reconsider classical theory of the European integration, that is based on liberal or realist approach. The proposal is based on assumption critical towards the very idea that the market forces accompanied by liberalisation of international trade are natural expression of free human will. Instead, another approach to relation between economic-, social- and political power should be reconsidered in the studies on the European integration and in particular on EU policy towards its neighbours.
Subsequently, the following argumentation will be based on thesis that the classical theories of the European integration, concerning also the EU enlargement process, failed to explain peripheralization of the Central, South-Eastern Europe, and other neighbouring regions of the Western Europe. The accession process has so far driven by a twin conditionality mechanism consisting of the forces of EU membership criteria and the Europeanization of the candidate country.
Another problem, and probably of greater importance, is that while enlargement-tied reforms come out as if they are a property of EU discretional will and resolute action, they are, at the same time, required of being self-initiated, self-regulated, and self-responsible by the applicant state; that is, they must be conducted and portrayed as its ownership. The paper discusses how strategic the EU strategy is and whether it is likely to remedy the contradictory nature of these problems.
Newsletter | IES: The Institute for European Studies
What next? Expectations and Challenges. Before it, the Berlin process aimed to maintain the momentum of European integration in the Western Balkans. Initially limited in time and in scope, it becomes a multifaceted process with no foreseeable ending. Today Western Balkan countries are at different stages of European integration process. Croatia is an EU member state since July , Montenegro and Serbia are in accession negotiations, Macedonia and Albania are candidate countries, while Bosnia-Herzegovina and Kosovo are still potential candidate countries.
The Strategy presents the very essence of the challenges which the Western Balkans face on their European paths.
- Elisabetta Nadalutti - Citazioni di Google Scholar.
- United Nations University Series on Regionalism | Philippe De Lombaerde | Springer.
- Comparison between the political rhetoric of Thessaloniki Summit (2003) and the Sofia Summit (2018).
For the WB6 the most pressing issue remain the realization of successful reforms in the area of rule of law, fundamental rights and good governance and to work together on reconciliation and good neighbourly relations. The purpose of this paper is to analyze the possibilities of Six Western Balkan Countries to fulfil the six flagships defined in the new strategy lunched by the European Commission. The paper will be focused on the results from the Berlin Process, its impact, achievements and challenges left behind. The analytic part of the paper will be based on the statements of EU institutions and the domestic results in the mentioned areas of WB6 countries.
The purpose of this paper is to examine the impact of EU assistance on economic growth in the case of four Southeast European countries, Albania, Bulgaria, the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia and Serbia, during the period Structural Funds, as a type of foreign aid are additive to domestic savings and therefore they are expected to cause an increase in economic growth and domestic savings. Surprisingly, our empirical results do not support this hypothesis, since Structural Funds are negatively related to domestic savings.
These results are consistent with the notion that foreign aid transfers can distort individual incentives, and hence hurt savings and growth, by encouraging rent-seeking as opposed to productive activities.
Europe and its discontents: Poland’s collision course with the European Union
Greece stands out as a distinctive case of an old member state of South-East Europe with considerable experience with regard to pursuing democratization and growth in the EU context. The paper addresses the impact of structural funds in patterns of governance.
It will examine in particular how some continuing trends in Greek politics e.
- Problem Book in Quantum Field Theory.
- The Adriatic push for enlargement. A view from Paris and Brussels - Élargissement de l'UE - ESI?
- Les carnets du LabEx ITEM.
- Public Health Informatics and Information Systems.
- Is Critique Secular?: Blasphemy, Injury, and Free Speech (The Townsend Papers in the Humanties).
The paper draws some conclusions useful for new and prospective member states from Western Balkans. However, there is very little research on the involvement of commercial consultants on EU projects at the member-state level. This paper focuses on Greece. A recent estimate by the Athens based think-tank DIANEOSIS claimed that more than 2, big and small consultancies are active in the country providing services to public bodies ministries, government agencies, regional and local authorities implementing EU-funded projects on several sectors, and to private companies applying for subsidies.
A crucial question is if the multiplication of these companies in the last decades has widened their role: if, they continue to operate as simply intermediate actors or they have become influential in policy-making, affecting the developmental priorities of public actors and the strategic managerial priorities of the private sector.
Lahusen, Christian. For decades EU Structural Funds have been an invaluable source of funding for various types of projects across Greece. Although with mostly a developmental approach, EUSF has become a major vehicle for Greek society overcoming, or at least containing, severe issues brought up by the recent economic crisis. Among the various activities funded via the European Social Fund are the numerous anti-poverty structures organized by municipalities and operated by Greek NGOs.
Panel 7. The second part is going to examine the secular character of Europe, the post-secular era and the Christian cultural identity of European countries in contrast with European views regarding Islam, Turkey and religious otherness. The purpose of this paper is to point out the trends by both sides Turkish and European regarding the role of religion in the bilateral relations and the attitudes toward religion and secularism. Although it is often forgotten, Turkey is still one of the most important applicants to the EU membership.
In the eyes of the European partners, the Turkey of the Third Republic was seen a valuable candidate that was taking important steps by changing penal and legislative policies in order to satisfy EU Council requirements. In the early s, Ankara was seen as a possible role model to the other regional actors as being one of the first Muslim countries able to conciliate religion and democracy. Today, Turkey continues to struggle to find balance a secular sentiment and a more conservative, religion-driven approach. The increasing Islamic sentiment, the crumbling geopolitical external environment, the feeling of insecurity, and the constant perceived threat encouraged the government to restructure the national system, strengthening the executive branch.
This development paved the way towards a more autocratic internal structure that can hardly be seen as suitable for a possible future European capital. The unsatisfactory respect for human rights and personal freedom present in the country coupled with the restructuring of the national establishment at the expenses of a more balanced and democratic system, made many European chancelleries hesitant to continue down the path of Turkish integration into the EU.
However, this situation represents an important loss for both sides and should not be labelled as a victory for Brussels, considering the position Turkey holds in the Middle East. The risk here is the political vacuum left behind by the EU in the region can possibly be filled by antagonists of the Union such as Russia. In order to assess this situation, it is imperative to analyse the current and past Turkish National Security Strategy and assess the reasons that encouraged Turkey to pursue a path which so firmly differs from the one followed in the previous decade.
Although Turkey applied for full EU membership in , still has a candidate — country status.
Official accession talks began in , but since negotiations stalled due to Cyprus objections along with Germany and France. Turkey seems to have a long path to walk in as its current political situation is far from basic EU principles for democracy, stability and peace. This paper aims to highlight the current political situation in Turkey during the geopolitical era which is rapidly changing in the Middle East area.
As the circumstances have been changing, is Turkey a considerable candidate-country or EU should reconsider its decision and follow a different type of special relation with Turkey? This paper firstly presents the recent war activities in which Turkey has been involved in its borderline with Syria and Iraq, as well as the invasion in Afrin, earlier this year.
Secondly, is indicating the lack of democracy, mostly after the failed coup in and the massive imprisonment of professors and journalists which followed. Turkey seems to deny such a relation and insist in negotiations for full membership. But, thinking of being realistic, any kind of close partnership would be a better solution than a full membership at the current circumstances. The research is based on international online sources, academic journals and educational websites written in Greek, English and Turkish.
The April 16th, was a milestone for Turkey. The fact that this rhetoric is also linked with significant reforms within Turkey indicates that these comments are only the tip of the iceberg. For the purpose of the analysis, this paper also examines whether these reforms are in line with the European values or indicate the existence of a new course related to the re-establishment of the bygone Ottoman glory which leads Turkey to a pro-Tanzimat situation where the legal system is based completely on Sharia.
Forced marriage is condemned by international and European human rights law. From the other side, there is a trend to criminalize forced marriage in the EU, by introducing a specific forced marriage crime according to Council of Europe Convention on preventing and combating violence against women and domestic violence known as Istanbul Convention. This paper describes the offence of forced marriage, examines selected legislative measures taken to address it and lists promising initiatives to prevent forced marriage and support victims. The article ends with the presentation of the arguments that support the criminalization of forced marriage, by taken as example Albanian case.
Marriage, Istanbul Convention, offence, criminal code, violence. Session 4 Parallel panels. The EU has been routinely portrayed as a normative power which tries to project in its external relations its own founding values, namely: peace, liberty, democracy, rule of law and respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms. The paper will test the validity of this hypothesis in the case of the EU enlargement policy towards the Western Balkans.
The paper will account for this policy turn by reference to the increase of influence of non-Western actors in the region, while it will trace its manifestation in discourses of EU decision-makers and in the wording of the new EU Enlargement strategy document for the Western Balkans. With a resolute tone, as well as with a sense of urgency the strategy sets a clear direction for the six countries of the region, offering a credible enlargement perspective and promising enhanced EU engagement, at the political and at the financial level.
This new Strategy comes at a moment when external forces Russia, China, Turkey make their appearance on the regional scene, while ethnonationalism and populism, a dire economic situation and the pressing problem of the migration flows make the situation even more difficult. My presentation will elaborate on the new risks and challenges for the region as a whole in a complex and unpredictable geopolitical environment, while special emphasis will be given on the bilateral questions mainly the Kosovo issue and the name issue between Greece and FYROM that have to be addressed in order for the region to be able to move on.
While the prospects for the accession of several official candidates and two potential candidates for EU membership from the Western Balkans seemed to considerably improve throughout , especially after the victory of pro-EU parties and candidates in the Dutch parliamentary and French presidential elections, the latest developments in and around the EU have again sent mixed signals.
Related The Effects of Europeanization on the Integration Process in the Upper Adriatic Region
Copyright 2019 - All Right Reserved